Camille Martel and Arnaud Banos, geographers
In the central Mediterranean, the obligation to provide assistance to vessels attempting to cross to Europe has been sidestepped in recent years by externalizing responsibility for rescue to a third country : Libya. In the English channel, on the other hand, a policy of systematic assistance to vessels trying to reach the British coast serves to bolster French sovereignty.
When dealing with issues of migration by sea, states are required to comply with the conventions they have signed, regarding both refugees’ rights and international maritime law. A comparison of the French rescue services in the Channel and the European services operating in the central Mediterranean, shows that the European nations exercise their sovereignty at the EU’s external borders via their capacity not only to fulfil, but also to sidestep the obligations laid down in maritime law.
The duty to provide assistance at sea
In the English Channel, as in the Mediterranean, the small vessels that attempt to cross maritime borders are generally overloaded and unfit for navigation, and, of course, never in compliance with Division 240, a set of French rules listing the safety equipment to be carried on board at different distances from a safe haven.[1]See the regulatory text : https://www.mer.gouv.fr/les-divisions-securite-plaisance. The captain of a ship crossing their route will therefore consider them to be in distress,[2]Order of 6 May 2019 replacing order of 23 November 1987 on the safety of seagoing vessels (Division 240). In practice, this principle is not always respected (an emblematic example can be found in the Forensic Oceanography report on the “Left-to-die Boat”. URL : … Lire la suite for several reasons.
The time-honoured duty to provide assistance at sea to persons in distress stems from a tradition of solidarity among sailors working in a hostile and unpredictable environment. Well before the earliest international conventions, the obligation to rescue persons in distress was first codified in French law in the late 17th century, with the Great Ordinance of Marine of August 1681.[3]For a brief history : https://www.legisplaisance.fr/2020/07/27/lencadrement-juridique-du-sauvetage-en-mer/. It still exists today in a general form : the French penal code sanctions the failure to assist a person in danger, either on land or at sea (Article 223–6).
“Well before the earliest international conventions, the obligation to provide assistance at sea was first codified in French law in the late 17th century, with the great ordinance of marine of august 1681.”
Camille Martel and Arnaud Banos, geographers
This principle was codified in the 20th century and its conditions of implementation defined at international level. The Brussels Convention of 1910 on Assistance and Salvage at Sea was the first to lay down the obligation to provide assistance at sea. The International Maritime Organization (IMO),[4]See the IMO website : https://www.imo.org/en/About/Pages/Default.aspx. a specialized agency of the United Nations, later took the issue of maritime safety in hand by leading to the 1974 International Convention for the Safety of Life at Sea (SOLAS).[5]See the convention : https://www.imo.org/en/About/Conventions/Pages/International-Convention-for-the-Safety-of-Life-at-Sea-(SOLAS),-1974.aspx This Convention, which came into force in 1980, defines the procedures to be followed when responding to situations of distress. In addition, according to the International Convention on Maritime Search and Rescue (SAR),[6]See the text of the Convention : https://www.imo.org/en/about/Conventions/Pages/International-Convention-on-Maritime-Search-and-Rescue-(SAR).aspx. which came into force in 1985, all persons in distress must receive assistance, regardless of their nationality or status. In parallel, the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea also codifies the obligation for all ship’s captains to assist persons in distress (Montego Bay Convention).[7]See the text of the Convention : https://treaties.un.org/pages/ViewDetailsIII.aspx?src=TREATY&mtdsg_no=XXI%1e6&chapter=21&Temp=mtdsg3&clang=_en.
The Channel, an ideal theatre for asserting sovereignty
A veritable maritime highway and a major world merchant shipping route, the English Channel has witnessed a growing traffic[8]Odile Senellart, “52 000 migrants ont tenté de traverser la Manche en 2021”, France Bleu Nord, 20 Jan. 2022. URL : https://www.francebleu.fr/infos/international/52–000-migrants-ont-tente-de-traverserla-manche-en-2021–1642690863. of small, makeshift and unseaworthy vessels since 2018. Many find themselves in distress, and several incidents with substantial loss of life have occurred in recent years.[9]Michel Agier, “Ces frontières qui rendent fous et tuent”, Libération, 25 Nov. 2021. URL : https://www.liberation.fr/idees-et-debats/tribunes/ces-frontieres-qui-rendent-fou-et-qui-tuent-20211125_MX2LPWLCEFHLDDOTML3RYICQGU/.
Interventions in French territorial waters, coordinated by the CROSS Gris-Nez,[10]The missions of the Centres régionaux opérationnels de surveillance et de sauvetage (CROSS) include the organization and coordination of search and rescue operations in defined maritime zones. The French equivalents of the Maritime Rescue Coordination Centres (MRCC), they were set up under the SAR Convention. The ongoing inquiry … Lire la suite are limited – subject to more in-depth assessment of the risks in the zone concerned – to boats whose passengers require assistance. This remains the case despite insistent pleas from the UK Minister of the Interior for greater efforts by France to intercept these vessels at sea.[11]See this article by Jack Walters, “‘Go further and faster’ Priti Patel demands France must intercept all Channel migrants”, Express, 15 Nov. 2021. URL : https://www.express.co.uk/news/uk/1521388/priti-patellatest-news-home-secretary-demand-warnfrance-intercept-channel-migrants-ont.
In a context of intense media scrutiny, France makes a public show of its scrupulous respect for the obligations of maritime law. In response to the “aggressive” proposals of its neighbour,[12]See this article in Courrier International, “Migrants. Traversées de la Manche : Londres accuse la France pour préserver l’image du Brexit”, 24 Nov. 2021. URL : https://www.courrierinternational.com/article/migrants-traversees-de-la-manche-londres-accuse-la-france-pour-preserver-limage-du-brexit. solely concerned with its strategy of securing (or even closing) its border, it takes every opportunity to produce a virtuous discourse on the need to comply with the law of the sea.[13]See this article in the international pages of Le Parisien, “Migrants : Londres veut refouler en mer les bateaux traversant la Manche”, 9 Sept. 2021. URL : https://www.leparisien.fr/international/migrants-londres-veut-refouler-en-mer-les-bateaux-traversant-la-manche-09–09-2021-YOX6CEKEWVEZVALK7HIRTNEKAI.php. By quoting the provisions of maritime law to justify its reluctance to intercept vessels attempting to cross the Channel, France is manifesting its refusal to be treated as a sub-contractor for the policing of the British border. At the same time, via this compliance with international conventions, France is asserting its sovereignty.
Generalized sub-contracting in the Mediterranean
Externalization[14]See V. Moreno-Lax & M. Lemberg-Pedersen, “Border-induced displacement : The ethical and legal implications of distance-creation through externalization”, Questions of International Law, 28 Feb. 2019. URL : … Lire la suite of border controls has been part of the European Union’s foreign policy for many years,[15]Attested by a leaked internal document of the European Commission entitled “Update on State of Play of External Cooperation in the Field of Migration Policy” dated 14 January 2022. Available on the Migration Control website. URL : … Lire la suite with little sign of protest from the French political class. In the case of Libya, for example, bilateral agreements have been concluded for a system enabling Libyan ships to intercept boats leaving the country (see the Maps feature in this issue). These agreements provide a means for the EU to circumvent the non-refoulement obligation laid down in the 2012 Hirsi Jamaa ruling of the European Court of Human Rights.[16]See this article on the Amnesty International website : “Italie. Un arrêt ‘historique’ de la cour européenne défend les droits des migrants”, 23 Feb. 2012. URL : https://www.amnesty.be/infos/actualites/article/italie-un-arret-historique-de-la. According to the Court, this obligation extends to all ships under the jurisdiction of European countries that rescue boats in distress.
In practice, the withdrawal of European state maritime rescue resources in the Central Mediterranean took place in parallel with measures to support the creation of a Libyan search and rescue (SAR) zone and a coastguard equipped by the EU. The European agency Frontex provides regular air support [Le Monde, October 2021 ; Libération, April 2021],[17]Arthur Carpentier & Marceau Bretonnier, “Migrants : enquête sur le rôle de l’Europe dans le piège libyen”, Le Monde, 31 Oct. 2021. URL : https://www.lemonde.fr/international/video/2021/10/31/migrants-enquete-sur-le-role-de-l-europe-dans-le-piege-libyen_6100475_3210.html ; Tomas Statius, “Migrants. Le jeu trouble de … Lire la suite although it officially denies being in direct contact with the Libyan authorities. Yet today, the dangerous (even criminal) practices of the Libyan coastguard are widely documented,[18]United Nations, “Lethal Disregard”. Search and rescue and the protection of migrants in the central Mediterranean Sea, 2021. URL : https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Issues/Migration/OHCHR-thematic-report-SAR-protection-at-sea.pdf. like those in the country’s migrant detention centres (on this question, see our article published in issue 20 of De facto): according to a recent UN mission, what happens there “may amount to crimes against humanity”.[19]“Libye : des crimes contre l’humanité auraient été commis dans les prisons et contre les migrants”, Onu Info, 4 Oct. 2021. URL : https://news.un.org/fr/story/2021/10/1105392.
Conclusion
According to Gérald Darmanin, the French Minister of the Interior, “at sea, saving human lives takes precedence over considerations of nationality, status and migration policy, in strict compliance with international maritime law that lays down the rules for search and rescue at sea”.[20]See this article in Le Parisien, “Migrants : Londres veut refouler en mer les bateaux traversant la Manche”, 9 Sept. 2021. URL : https://www.leparisien.fr/international/migrants-londres-veut-refouler-en-mer-les-bateaux-traversant-la-manche-09–09-2021-YOX6CEKEWVEZVALK7HIRTNEKAI.php. This virtuous positioning, which serves the interests of France in affirming its sovereignty in the English Channel, is by no means reflected in the longstanding policy of the European Union in the Central Mediterranean where, since the early 2000s, more than 2,000 people have perished each year in their attempts to cross the sea. From this point of view, the English Channel has so far been a zone of exception,[21]See Maurice Sterl, “A Fleet of Mediterranean Border Humanitarians”, Antipode, 50(3), June 2018. DOI : 10.1111/anti.12320 ; URL : https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/anti.12320. where those generally and unhesitatingly labelled as “migrants” suddenly become potential “shipwrecked persons” who will be rescued if they find themselves in distress. And while sea rescue in international border zones remains a legal obligation, degrees of compliance are variable, subject to the politics of national sovereignty.[22]See Özgün E. Topak, “The Biopolitical Border in Practice : Surveillance and Death at the Greece-Turkey Border zones” Environment and Planning D : Society and Space, 32(5), 2014, pp. 815–833. DOI : 10.1068/d13031p ; URL : https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1068/d13031p.
About the authors
Camille Martel is a geography PhD student at the Université Le Havre Normandie within the Identité et Différenciation de l’Espace, de l’Environnement et des Sociétés (UMR 6266 CNRS, Université Le Havre Normandie) laboratory.
Arnaud Banos is a research director at the CNRS. He is affiliated to the Identité et Différenciation de l’Espace, de l’Environnement et des Sociétés (UMR 6266 CNRS, Université Le Havre Normandie) laboratory. He is a CI Migration fellow.
Notes[+]
Cite the article
Camille Martel & Arnaud Banos, “Sovereignty at the maritime border : when France “interprets” the conventions” in : Emeline Zougbédé, Michel Agier & Ségolène Barbou des Places (eds.), Feature “If France were to withdraw from international conventions?” De facto [online], 32 | March 2022. URL : https://www.icmigrations.cnrs.fr/en/2022/11/07/defacto-032–06/
Republication
De facto is published under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-No derivative 4.0 International License (CC BY-ND 4.0). You are free to republish this article free of charge online or in paper format, in accordance with these recommendations. Do not edit the article, mention the author and specify that this article was published by De facto | CI Migration. To obtain the embed code of this article, please write to defacto@icmigrations.fr